Punished: Prisoners Dilemma (Gay Erotica)

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I was sitting at my desk at our bedroom window, and she was just leaving the parking lot. She hit another car when she was driving out the parking spot, and she sure noticed, because it was quite a hard smash, but she just looked around, did not notice me or anyone else and she drove off! She did not even get out of her car to see how bad the other car was damaged, or leave a message or anything. I thought it was just so mean of her!

I was in such a hurry to get here. I left home way too late, and I even hit a car when I was leaving our parking lot. It was quite a smash, but no one was around to see it, so I just drove off. I did not want to lose any more time to get out and check the damage.

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Cause you know, these things happen. When talking about herself, the confederate did not use gossip about a third party to mark a difference between the gossipers and the target and did not signal any threats of potentially sharing gossip about her conversation partner in the future. It can therefore be expected that when the confederate shared the hit-and-run story about herself, this communication will not affect the cooperation levels of the receivers of such information.

However, since the self-disclosed information concerns the sharing of personal norm violation, it can be assumed that the self-disclosure condition may even lower the tendency to cooperate among receivers. In the control condition, both players met with each other prior to playing the game, but could not communicate verbally. Bohnet and Frey found that when participants merely stood and identified the members of their group, they behaved more cooperatively than when group members were anonymous.

The Inescapable Game of Life

Thus, if the results from the two other conditions are different from our control condition, the effect is due to the verbal interaction and not to other factors involved with meeting face to face. For all conditions, one of the players was a confederate. Two professional actresses were hired for the roles of the confederates in the experiment. Except for the control condition, the confederates took the role of sharing information, placing the actual respondents in the role of receivers.

All 60 respondents were female students recruited on the campus of the University California, Santa Barbara.

These ages were not significantly different between the three research conditions or in between the groups with the different actresses. The effects of sex on cooperation in social dilemma games are complicated, but there is no doubt that it is an important explanatory variable that must be taken into account Ortmann and Tichy Thus, due to sex differences that occur in social dilemma games, we limited this study to a same-sex female-female interaction design.

Moreover, this decision was also based on the evidence that shows sex differences in bonding behaviors and the associated role of gossip. When forming bonds, men and women put emphasis on different types of content for different reasons. More than women, men focus on the informational aspect of gossip, which improves their access to resources and status Watson More than men, women use gossip to make social comparisons, establish solidarity, and strengthen in-group cohesion Hess and Hagen a , b ; Leaper and Holliday ; Levin and Arluke ; Nevo and Nevo ; Nevo et al.

Due to this variation in values that guide bonding, gossip as a tool for bond creation is used for different purposes by both sexes. Additionally, studies have consistently shown that women gossip more than men do, especially in situations relevant to cooperation and conflict McAndrew In this study, gossip is linked to cooperation, and due to all of the stated reasons, it is likely that gossip may influence cooperation differently in men and women, and consequently, it is sensible to examine its effect at a within-sex level. All participants were tested in a laboratory room that led to a small office.

Two participants came to the laboratory at a set time. These two participants were greeted by a female experimenter and then paired up with one of the two confederates. After this brief introduction, the experimenter excused herself and asked the participants to wait for a minute while she gathered the materials to play the game. In the control condition, before leaving the room, the experimenter asked the participants not to speak while she was gone. A second experimenter used a monitor in the office linked to a hidden camera in the laboratory to observe what transpired, and we can confirm that no communication took place for any of the control participants.

Upon return, the experimenter explained to the participants the rules of the game and informed them that they would be playing several rounds, although the exact number was not mentioned. The respondents were instructed to choose between cooperating and not cooperating with the other player, in each round of the game. Participants were told that they could not communicate with the other player and would have to play each round without knowing the decisions of the other player in the previous rounds.

They were also told that they would receive a payment dependent on the choices both of them made during one randomly decided round of all rounds played and were given a handout of a pay-off matrix see Fig.

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After the instructions and answers to any remaining questions, both the participant and the confederate were re-seated at opposite sides of the room, facing away from each other to ensure the anonymity of their responses and that non-verbal communication would not take place while playing the PDG.

The confederate and participant then played five rounds of the game, using printed cards they put into envelopes. After the games, all participants completed a survey to measure their perceptions of the other player. It included the questions: How friendly was the other player? How likeable was the other player?

How much did you like the other player? How trustworthy was the other player? How honest was the other player? How intelligent was the other player? How cooperative was the other player? How much did you identify with the other player? On the last page of the survey, all participants, across conditions, were asked to rate the behavior of people involved in the scenarios used in both the gossip and self-disclosure condition. This step was to control whether participants rated the behavior of self-discloser and the gossip target as negative and the behavior of the gossiper as positive.

After completing the survey, the participants each met separately with the experimenter in a separate room to be paid. They were then debriefed about the actual scope and design of the study. Results show that the behavior of the gossiped-about person i. We first looked at the total level of cooperation of each respondent.


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A new variable was created for total cooperation rates, such that cooperating in no round yielded a score of 0, cooperating in 1 round equaled a score of 1, and so on, for a maximum score of 5, for all 5 rounds. A between-subject analysis of variance model ANOVA with this total cooperation score as dependent variable and condition control vs. To rule out the possible effect that a difference in acting between the two actresses might have influenced our results, we added the dummy coding for the actresses as a control variable to an ANOVA analysis with the total cooperation score as dependent variable and condition control vs.

Mean scores with standard deviation on items measuring the perception of the confederate by condition.

To further investigate this latter finding, we ran a regression analysis with perceived honesty as the independent variable and total cooperation as the dependent variable for the three conditions separately. Our study reveals some unexpected and somewhat ambivalence results.

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Firstly, participants who distrusted the confederate self-disclosing a hit-and-run situation were less likely to cooperate with this person. However, on average, this self-disclosing condition was not significantly different from the control condition where participants did not talk to the confederate at all, and both were significantly different from the gossip condition. This signals, first of all, that although any talk prior to playing social dilemma games can increase levels of cooperation see Sally , there is something special about gossip that other talk may not display. We know from earlier studies on gossip in the context of social dilemma games e.

Our findings add to that literature by showing that even gossip about people who do not participate in social dilemma games may have an effect. However, our results are not in keeping with these earlier findings and not fully as we had anticipated, based on theories about gossip as a social bonding device Gluckman , ; Dunbar , , In line with expectations, participants in this study evaluated the behavior of the gossiping confederate slightly though barely significant more positive than the behavior of confederates in the other conditions.

The gossiper was rated as more trustworthy, and there was a trend to rate her as being more friendly and perhaps more honest. In contrast to these findings, however, our participants were significantly, and clearly, less likely to cooperate with the gossiper in the PDG. Thus, there appears to be some mismatch between perception and actual behavior that requires further investigation. Our results are somewhat congruent with Bosson et al. Our results are, however, not as strong and clear as the results from these prior studies. Weaver and Bosson used a procedure where the participants learned about an explicitly shared attitude expressing either like or dislike of a professor.

In our experiment, the third party the experimenter is also a complete stranger to the participants; it is a person the participants have no experience with at all prior to coming to the experiment. It may thus very well be, as others have suggested, that gossip does not really create social bonds as much as it reinforces social bonds e. Having a mutual acquaintance may be sufficient to start something, and adding a shared negative attitude towards this person can create social cohesion among strangers Bosson et al.

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